"Neither West nor East want to save Europe: Russia wants to conquer it; America wants to buy it." Richard von Coudenhove-Kalergi.
In a 1944 book, entitled Conditions of Peace, the English diplomat Edward Hallett Carr explained that it was finally time to consider Europe "as a unit" and no longer as a collection of Nations-States. According to him, it was henceforth necessary to go beyond the simple return to the status quo ante bellum, and to set up organisations at the European level to enable the Reconstruction. It was not a federalist programme, inasmuch it did not reject the regime of national sovereignties, but a realistic plan first addressed to the Allies … who had none of it.
In a 1944 book, entitled Conditions of Peace, the English diplomat Edward Hallett Carr explained that it was finally time to consider Europe "as a unit" and no longer as a collection of Nations-States. According to him, it was henceforth necessary to go beyond the simple return to the status quo ante bellum, and to set up organisations at the European level to enable the Reconstruction. It was not a federalist programme, inasmuch it did not reject the regime of national sovereignties, but a realistic plan first addressed to the Allies … who had none of it.
The
works of the historians René Girault, Robert Frank and Jacques
Thobie1
clearly showed that europeanism played a minor role in Allies'
official policy. However, from the beginning of the war, several
American think tanks reflected on the issue of peace by defending the
European idea. It was for example the case of the Advisory Committee
on Problems of Foreign Relations, created by Leo Pasvolski in January
1940, or the Council on Foreign Relations, financed by the
influential Rockefeller Foundation. Admittedly, these organisations
did not go as far as to propose a European federation, but only a
close cooperation between the nations of the continent.
Fearing
that a Europe politically united could jeopardise the American
hegemony, Washington rapidly dismissed the federalist solution. This
is why Coudenhove-Kalergi, who pursued his activities in the USA from
1940, was completely ignored by the American leaders2,
just like John Foster Dulles, who supported the federalist position
at the head of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ of America3.
In
Great Britain, Winston Churchill did not hide his europeanist
thoughts. He even proposed, in a speech broadcast the 21 March 1943,
the creation of a Council of Europe, a Supreme Court and a European
military for the post-war period. But in the context of the time,
Churchill talked to deaf ears. Neither the American nor the Soviet
wanted to hear talk of federalism. Their conception of international
relations remained based on national sovereignties, balance of powers
and spheres of influence.
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Yalta Conference. From right to left: Winston Churchill, Franklin Roosevelt and Joseph Staline. |
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Europe after the Yalta Conference. |
During
the great conferences of Moscow (October 1943), Tehran (November and
December 1943) and Yalta (February 1945), the Allied power redrawn the map
of Europe. Each camp defended harshly its conception of the new world
order and, overall, its best interest. Roosevelt intended to extend
the American hegemony in Western Europe, Staline in Eastern Europe.
As for Churchill, he fell into line with Roosevelt in order to
contain the Soviet threat. All agreed to dismember Germany and to
conserve the regime of national sovereignty. After the negotiations,
Europe was still divided and marked by nationalism. For the time
being, it did not appear possible to realise the European unity as it
was dreamed by the federalists.
1René
Girault, Robert Frank, Jacques Thobie, La
loi des géants, 1941-1964. Histoire
des relations internationales contemporaines,
Paris, Payot, 2005.
2Coudenhove-Kalergi
tried to meet the President Roosevelt at the White House, but his
meeting request was systematically rejected. In the US Department of
State, nobody wanted to deal with this aristocrat. He obtained all
the same a lectureship at New York University in 1942 and his works
were appreciated by some university lecturers and professors.
3See Veronika Heyde, "Discussions américaines concernant l'Europe de l'après-guerre (1940-1944)", Les cahiers Irice, 1/2008 nº1, p.49-62. URL: www.cairn.info/revue-les-cahiers-irice-2008-1-page-49.htm
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