"The current war is a war for the freedom and the union of Europe, solution to the Bolshevik problem." Cecil von Renthe-Finke.
During
the war, Germany explicitly presented itself as the champion of the European unification. The Nazi propaganda exalted the values of the
European civilisation, which would be proudly defended by the German
soldiers against Bolshevism, cosmopolitanism and the Anglo-Saxon
imperialism. The new continental order promoted by the Nazis was seen
as a way to regenerate Europe on the basis of anti-egalitarianism and
racial purity1.
Hitler gave a name to this project: the New Europe.
It
should be recalled here that the national-socialists was partly
inspired by the writings of the conservative theoretician Arthur
Moeller van der Bruck. In a book published in 1923, Das
Dritte Reich,
Moller van der Bruck wished the return of Germany on the
international scene and the edification of a German empire that would dominate the continent. The nazis took over this general idea but for them, the German empire
should ensure the supremacy of the Aryan race - the Herrenvolk
-
on the other races, considered as inferior2. The so-called master race must
also have a large "living space" (lebensraum) to enable the
development of a young and energetic population beyond the narrow borders
defined by the treaty of Versailles. It gives to Germany a right of
conquest on the Eastern and southern territories peopled by the
Slavs. As well, it implied a policy of ethnic cleansing and economic
exploitation in favour of Germany, which was perfidiously hidden by
the propaganda.
Even
if the national-socialist program was drawn up since 1925, year of
the first publication of Mein
Kampf,
the idea of New Europe was quite nebulous until the outbreak of
the war, and especially after the conquests of the years 1940-1941. From this date, it became one of
the major themes of the German policy, although it remained imprecise. To simplify, the pursued goal was to divide
the continent into four parts: the Great Reich, the protectorates (which belong to the living space), the German satellites and the
others satellites. The Great Reich, where the Jews would be expelled,
was supposed to become the centre of the European civilisation. Thus,
the "master race" could proliferate and colonised their living
space, reducing to slavery the Slavic populations. As for the
satellites, two groups of countries have to be distinguished: the
German satellites - namely the English, the Dutch, the Fleming and
the Scandinavian – were eventually intended to integrate the
Great Reich; the
non German satellites – that is the Latin countries represented by
France, Portugal, Italy, Spain, Romania, Greece and Hungary – were meant to supply workers and raw materials to the Great
Reich.
Concretely,
there were during the war four types of territorial organisations3:
- the annexed countries, which was part of the Great Reich (Austria, Sudetenland, Dantzig, West Prussia, the Province of Posen, the Polish Silesia, Luxembourg, Eupen and Malmedy, Alsace-Moselle, North Slovenia, Banat and Crimea);
- the countries under direct administration (the protectorates of Bohemia-Moravia, the General Government of Poland, the Netherlands, Norway, Belgium and the French "zone occupée");
- the satellites States (Vichy France, Denmark, Greece, the Yugoslavian countries, Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Finland and, since 1943, Italy);
- the neutral States (Turkey, Portugal, Spain, Switzerland and Sweden).
This
European order subjected to Germany constituted a basis for the
realisation of the New Europe, organised according to racial
hierarchies.
The europeanist propaganda in Vichy France:
The French collaborationist Alphonse de
Chateaubriant presents the Nazi world order:
Ironically, some of them were ardent pacifists in the interwar period. The case of Francis Delaisis is in this regard significant: left-wing economist, he was in the 1930's member of the Human Rights League (Ligue Française des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen) and of the Watchfullness Committee of Antifascists Intellectuals (Comité de Vigilance des Intellectuels Antifasciste). Between 1927 and 1932, he was general secretary of the Paneuropean Movement under the chairmanship of Aristide Briand, to whom he was very close. In short he was a respectable europeanist, affected by the future of the peace in the continent. The fact remains that in 1940, in the name of the French-German rapprochement wanted by Aristide Briand, he became pro-Nazi and lauded the German economic system. In 1942, he wrote La révolution européenne, an authentic plea for the economic integration of Europe under the aegis of Germany, and he got closer to Marcel Déat.
Francis Delaisi, like many others, was blinded by his pacifism. The collaborationist in general were the voices of "Nazi europeanism"4 in a world in the midst of change, the supporters of a perverted vision of Europe.
1In
The myth of the
Twentieth Century,
the NSDAP ideologist Alfred Rosenberg firmly rejected the ideal of
Coudenhove-Kalergi because the Paneuropean Movement was democratic,
pacifist and anti-racist. For the same reasons, Hitler attacked what he called the "European utopia".
2Van der Bruck was not racist. From the beginning, he disapproved Hitler and national-socialism. See this short biography written by the French philosopher Alain de Benoist: http://alaindebenoist.com/pdf/arthur_moeller_van_den_bruck.pdf.
2Van der Bruck was not racist. From the beginning, he disapproved Hitler and national-socialism. See this short biography written by the French philosopher Alain de Benoist: http://alaindebenoist.com/pdf/arthur_moeller_van_den_bruck.pdf.
3Yves
Durand, Le nouvel ordre européen nazi, 1938-1945,
Bruxelles, Complexe, 1990.
4See Bernard Bruneteau, "L'Europe nouvelle" de Hitler. Une illusion des intellectuels de la France de Vichy, Paris, Éditions du Rocher, 2003 and Julien Prévotaux, Un européisme nazi. Le Groupe Collaboration et l'idéologie européenne dans la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, Paris, François-Xavier de Guibert, 2010.
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